In this paragraph, the authors focus on analysing all the factors related to the accumulation of human potential and the integration of new knowledge in rural communities on Altai Krai’s Kulunda steppe that are largely responsible for the sustainable socio-economic development of this area. The analysis leads them to conclude that the understanding of the term ‘sustainable development’ in the directives of the krai and municipal administrations should be expanded in order to allow for the implementation of a number of measures. Those aimed at the socio-economic development of the region to ensure a specific quality of life for all generations in rural communities, both contemporary and future, that would involve the full realization of their human potential.
Russian elections have been severely compromised by allegations of fraud, which makes public opinion polls an important source of information about popular support for Vladimir Putin and his policies. Putin's high ratings as well as the wide use of polls by his administration suggest that his rule is essentially democratic. This paper challenges this view by discussing the specific conception of democratic representation behind polling practices. Far from being a perfect mode of representation, opinion polls are capable of manufacturing the political reality they represent. The paper demonstrates how Russian authorities use polls to replace referenda and to legitimize the results of elections and thereby exposes the representational machine that turns polls into an efficient tool for governance, maintaining the hegemony and promoting de-politicisation. The distinction between partial and total representation, drawn from Ernesto Laclau's work, serves to illuminate the cases when polls and official election returns actually diverge and shows how the legitimacy of a regime is secured by the politics of representation that leaves a significant part of the Russian population unrepresented.
Empirical studies in democracies have revealed some degree of causal relationship between public opinion and foreign policy. A look at the relationship between the evolution of Russian foreign policy priorities, as evidenced in the Foreign Policy Concepts (2000, 2008, 2013 and 2016), and public opinion regarding foreign policy measured from 1997 to 2018 shows significant shifts in perceptions of the nation’s international image. The amity/enmity feelings towards others can be explained as responses to key international events, endorsing the thesis of a rational and reactive public. Overall, public opinion and the official policy line in Russia move in the same direction.
This study detects and describes a specific set of possible alternatives to local rural development, as exemplified in Altai Krai’s Kulunda steppe that can be implemented in a number of so-called analytical scenarios that the authors substantiate. The first scenario, which involves the natural deterioration of the settlement milieu of Kulunda steppe communities, has already begun and, in the authors’ opinion, is being aided by the state’s inarticulate agrarian policy and the nature of the agricultural market. However, under certain conditions, the authors concede that it might be displaced by a second scenario, which leads to a transformation of Altai Krai’s Kulunda steppe into an area with high-tech farming and processing enclaves that dominate the backward rural district, which is distinguished by unsustainable, inert and intermittent development that allows for only fragmentary modernization. The authors believe that the third scenario—the overall sustainable socio-economic development of this area based on a policy of ‘manageable contraction’ and ‘diversified development’ would be the most desirable.
In order that Kulunda can become a ‘learning region’ for agricultural and rural development, where the link between ecology and efficiency should be the leading idea, various possible mechanisms of knowledge transfers related to new technologies for agricultural production have to be explored. As a background, this chapter summarizes key data on the agricultural and forestry sector including data on labour force. Aspects of residents’ living standards, housing conditions, school system, health care and not to underestimate the role of cultural institutions and job opportunities outside agriculture are discussed as having an effect on the willingness of people to stay in the region.
This paper is a review of Radical Markets: Uprooting Capitalism and Democracy for a Just Society, the book by Eric A. Posner and Glen E. Weyl and published in 2018. Prof. Posner works at the University of Chicago, where his scholarship is dedicated to international law, foreign relations law, contracts, and game theory and the law. Glen E. Weyl is a Prior Researcher at Microsoft Research New England who also teaches a course Designing the Digital Economy at Yale University. The book concentrates on solutions for the problems of inequality and stagnation. The authors claim that solutions need a combination of left and right theoretical principles. Such a combination allows for institutional systems to approach market principles of freedom, competition, and openness. The market is considered the best tool for providing both equality and economic growth. Five relatively separate spheres are studied in the book, and the same monopolistic restrictions are highlighted. Each chapter presents a solution for one sphere that should enforce free competition and destroy a monopoly.
This review proposes an interpretation that the reasonings presented in the book do not create a compromise between left and right. The authors develop a right liberal tradition instead. All the propositions are based on the principles of utilitarianism, marginalist calculations, and neoclassical economics. Simultaneously, the presented solutions appear historically relevant for both approaches, while the solutions do not overcome the theoretical contradictions between neoliberalism and critical theory in the economy and between liberalism and republicanism in politics. The book’s general ideas are discussed after the introduction. Next, specific cases are analyzed through comparison of the principles of liberalism, critical theory, and republicanism. A discussion about the efficiency of theoretical compromises concludes the paper.
The ageing population in Russia has led to a shift from distributive pay-as-you-go financed pension system into a multi-pillar one. In 2002, individuals were given the opportunity to form and manage their individual pension funds. Since then, reforms have continued. The purpose of this paper is to reveal how the views and attitudes of working-age Russians regarding retirement have changed over a period (2005-2018). Research was done using the survey data «Monitoring of the financial behavior of Russians (2009-2018)» (NRU-HSE), «Monitoring of financial activity of population (2005)» (ZIRCON) and Initiative Study of NAFI (2007). Despite the demographic, economic, and institutional changes that have taken place, individual pension strategies have not changed for the better, fewer Russians are confident in 2018 that they will have enough money for living after retirement, the number of those who expect to receive additional income has reduced, financial retirement strategies have not become common.
The article presents a comparative analysis of the pension reform coverage by three Russian TV channels – Channel One, TV Rain, and RT. The discussion of reform was analyzed from June 16, 2018, when the corresponding bill was introduced to the State Duma, to October 3, when it was signed by the President and was published. The media coverage of this news on selected TV channels differs significantly. Channel One was focusing the audience’s attention on the benefits of pension reform as before the TV address of the President the main source of formal approval of the reform was from federal officials and citizens. After August 29, regional representatives were included in the media discussion, which can partly be explained by the upcoming elections. Opposed to Channel One, there was no active participation of regional representatives in reporting on pension reform on TV Rain, yet the expert community was included, which still did not guarantee the representation of alternative positions as the channel adhered to a skeptical attitude towards the reform. The RT, which target audience is foreigners, showed the low intensity of pension issue discussion. Nevertheless, this channel was actively covering nationwide actions against the raising of the retirement age, which is unusual for the federal channel mainly focusing on positive aspects of the reform. During the elections, the RT included the pension issue to agenda: low voter turnout and the defeat of the ruling party in several Russian constituent entities were regarded as a result of increasing the retirement age.
This article discusses some of the theoretical foundation of the sensemaking approach introduced by Karl Weick within the fields of organizational psychology and organizational theory. Weick, 302 СОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКОЕ ОБОЗРЕНИЕ. 2020. Т. 19. №1 Sutcliffe, and Obstfeld wrote that “Sensemaking involves the ongoing retrospective development of plausible images that rationalize what people are doing” (2005: 409), or, in more general terms, making sense out of what is happening in order to reduce uncertainty and to act upon it. For this purpose, according to Weick, an individual deals with two questions: “What is going on? and, what should I do about it?” Answers to these questions and their following implications in the individual’s actions depend on the seven characteristics of the sensemaking: the individual’s identity, retrospective, enactment, social activity, ongoing [events and flux of experience], cues, and plausibility. Weick offers a “navigation of social space [of organization] with cultural maps in hand”, and draws inspiration from the analysis of jazz improvisation. His works, still lacking attention in Russia, offer an instrument for both crisis situations with dramatic “loss of sense” and quite common everyday events. Weick’s ideas were broadly developed within research on communication, identity, language, narratives, power, and other aspects of organizational activity. At the same time, sensemaking is believed to be one of the main theoretical inspirations for the processual approach in organization studies, which is focused on organizational becoming, or organizing
This article analyzes the influence of economic and political institutions on the attention of the leading print media of the G20 countries to political leaders. Based on the Factiva database which indexes publications from 35 000 mass media of 159 countries of the world, we collected the database on the number of mentions of country leaders in the five leading publications of all the countries of the G20 for 2018. In addition, we use the Institutional Quality Index data to assess the quality of institutions in the countries we study. In this study we use the theory of global news flow and the concept of political personalization. We show that attention to the leaders of countries with good economic institutions is higher than to the leaders of countries with poor economic institutions. However, the relationship with political institutions is the opposite: more attention is given to the leaders of countries with law-quality political institutions. In addition, the results show that the media of countries with more developed economic institutions are less likely to mention leaders of countries with less developed economic institutions. But for the differences in political institutions the situation is the opposite: the media of countries with more developed political institutions more often mention leaders of countries with poor political institutions. We can conclude that the leaders of authoritarian countries seek to participate in the formation of the agenda and achieve a higher level of self-attention despite economic factors. This study complements the theory of global news flow by indicating that political factors are no less important in shaping the international media agenda than the economical factors.
This introduction looks at the state of the field in the sociology of work and attempts to offer a general summary of the papers presented in this Special Issue. “New Studies of Labor” (NSL) make virtually no use of the theoretical resources of the 20th century’s industrial sociology and try to sustain the focus on the labor process and the forms of its organization. They also differ from the contemporary literature on work and occupations which focuses on career mobility, labor markets, and income determination. Conceptually, the NSL rely on theoretical traditions that originate beyond sociology’s disciplinary boundaries: Marxist value theory, Italian Autonomist thought, and Foucauldian studies of organizations. As different from the vast anthropological and sociological literature devoted to detailed empirical analyses of ‘work’ and its different sites, the NSL start from the question about how a specific ‘work’ is being inscribed into the processes of value production and capital accumulation, thus also becoming abstract labor. Such an approach assumes that the boundary that divides ‘labor’ from ‘nonlabor’ is a structural feature of the capitalist mode of production, being at the same time negotiated in the social struggles for recognition and articulated in the objective processes of value production. Thus, labor is seen as a fundamental category of capitalist production, even though its empirical content is historically variable. The first part of this introduction offers an outline of the theoretical traditions most relevant for making sense of the NSL. It then proceeds with a brief overview of industrial sociology/ sociology of work and its shortcomings. The introduction concludes with an overview of the papers collected in this Special Issue.
The book is concluded with two essays on distinctive features of young adults and challenges faced by the universities in the education of millennials.
The article is dedicated to the analysis of the connection of socio-demographic characteristics, educational achievements and contextual factors with the educational aspirations of Russian ninth graders. In addition, it examines how students’ aspirations and the level of education of their parents are interconnected. Particular attention is given to issues relating to the dynamics of aspirations depending on different trajectories of education after high school graduation. The analysis is based on data of the panel study “Trajectories in Education and Careers” (TREC: http:// trec.hse.ru/) of HSE Institute of Education.
Results of public opinion polls confront us every day, being the main source of information about the society we live in. The significance of public opinion for contemporary politics is constantly growing. However, people often wonder if the results of opinion polls can be trusted. What is the right way to read them? What is behind these numbers and what are they actually telling us? Are public opinion polls a contribution or an obstacle for the development of democracy? What are they — science, political technology, or something else? Greg Yudin’s “Public Opinion, or The Power of Numbers” answers these and other questions about the nature and operation of public opinion.
The sociology of work paid close attention to the factory and office as the physical and social space where the labor process was directly carried out and where workers faced managerial supervision, control, and power. The article discusses new decentralized forms of labor organization based on digital platforms which connect self-employed workers with clients and customers. The rapid spread of platforms in many spheres of the economy (from the IT sector and creative industries to consumer services, taxi services, and delivery) puts the task of rethinking the concepts of labor sociology, labor legislation and social policy models on the agenda. Generally, organizational decentralization was discussed in the context of increasing the autonomy of workers. However, information and communication technologies made possible not only the effective coordination of dispersed workers, but also tight algorithmic control. Workers who are outside the enterprise, both physically and legally, nevertheless experience a strong influence of digital platforms on the key conditions of their work and employment. The article discusses the nature and types of digital work platforms, sources of platform power, forms of algorithmic management, the role of user ratings, as well as the possible regulation of platform employment. The author conceptualizes the problems of labor autonomy and control within the typology of platforms: marketplace vs. shadow corporation.
This paper attempts to describe the foundations of the temporal orders of labor multiplicity of the Russian Post workers, as well as to consider some ways of relating these orders with each other. The research materials were collected through an organizational ethnography (from June 2013 to September 2014), as well as interviews (2014-2017) and an analysis of documents and open sources. The article is based upon three field stories. The Russian Post has three organizational peculiarities: geographical dispersion, the loose coupling of structural elements, and the locality of units. As a result, the work of employees is complicated by the spatial and temporal distance, the distance between different positions within the hierarchy, and the need for “interpretative work” to contextualize the universal directives. The temporal orders within such an organization can be set by the features of the intraorganizational structure and factors of the institutional constellations, but also by employees’ individual temporalities and the environment. Some possible ways to relate these multiple orders are presented in three empirical sketches—the story of the “labour participation coefficient”, the “cake story” and the story of the “long-haul transport arrangement”. These stories show that the coexistence of various temporal regimes requires temporal work, interaction in the logic of ambitemporality, and a common goal, which allows various actors involved in the postal service operation to relate the macro-level of various time structures with their subjectively experienced time. These mechanisms set conditions for temporal structuring and confirm various practices as familiar and understandable ways of coping with time.
The article analyzes ways to organize the so-called immaterial labor in the framework of the theory of cognitive capitalism (TCC). The author proceeds from the theory of immanent contradictions of cognitive capitalism formulated by Yann Moulier Boutang, Carlo Vercellone, Andre Gorz and developed in the works of other representatives of TCC: this is the contradiction between the autonomy of labor and its valorization, and the contradiction between the non-commodity nature of knowledge and strategies for its commodification. The following analysis is based on the assumption that labor organization regimes and organizational models are designed, firstly, to prevent the development of these contradictions, and secondly, to adapt to external socio-economic conditions (uncertainty, the precarization of hiring, the volatility of prices for intangible assets, crises). Due to the weak theoretical development of the problem of labor organization within the framework of the TCC, the article offers a reconstruction of the views of these authors on the problem. The paper offers two versions of the answer to the question about the organization of immaterial labor within the TCC: the version suggested by Moulier Boutang originates from the hypothesis of network coordination developed in the works of Yochai Benkler and Walter Powell, while the second version derivesfrom the assumption of a weak structural determinacy of the actions of autonomous agentsthat are integrated into the value chain through the process of subjectivation. The author criticizes the given assumptions of the TCC and puts forward a number of theoretical propositionsthat justify the hypothesis of the transition to a Neo-Taylorist model of management of immaterial labor.
The focus of the paper is on the study of the emergence of the market for artificial intelligence technologies in Russia based on both expert poll and survey of CEOs of the Russian industrial enterprises. It includes two parts. The first contains the methodology of the research, a description of the market agents, and the features of the product. In the second part, the authors analyze the interactions of the agents and the role of the state in the regulation of the market. This emerging market combines the features of the markets for software products and consulting services, which offer solutions, i.e. unique personalized products tailored to the needs and conditions of specific companies. In spite of fast growth, the development of the market faced significant obstacles, which can slow it down in the future.
This article investigates the regionally varied changes in social support and responsibilities of large-scale farms vis-à-vis household plot holders and their rural communities in post-Soviet Russia. Ongoing marketisation puts pressure on the Soviet-inherited symbiosis between large farms and household plots. We observe that large farms’ shift to Anglophone-style, explicit Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) hides declining support for villagers and sometimes even dispossession. In the second of our two case studies, a less well-endowed region, the inherited symbiosis continues with modifications (“implicit CSR”) and helps sustain comparatively higher household plot production.
The author examines one of the most important aspects of family life, namely the practice of power over the family budget between men and women. According to her study, agreement and the lack of agreement on the family budget is one of the most important predictors of long cohabitation or divorce. The probability of expected developments, however, are influenced by the family status of the couple: in the case of married couples, the likelihood of financial arguments and possible splitting up is lower than it is for those living together unmarried.